The growing nexus between organized criminal gangs and terrorist groups has turned Africa into a new theatre of violence and terrorism and disrupted attempts to improve the lives of the majority.  The crisis created by the activities of organized criminal groups is one of the most serious challenges to regional and global peace, stability, economic development, and peaceful co-existence. Weak governance and the absence of the rule of law breed corruption and dysfunctional institutions, a vulnerable civil society, poverty, and horizontal and vertical inequalities.  In many parts of Africa, the absence of hope for a better future has created an uncontested environment for recruitment and indoctrination.

The fate of several African countries (West Africa, Central Africa, Northeast Africa, The Gulf of Guinea, The Horn of Africa and the Gulf of Aden) hangs in the balance as conflicts ravage the continent and the threat is steadily spreads southwards. (i.e. Mozambique)

The security threats posed by natural resources and the extractive industries, by climate change and by criminals and terrorists have the potential to destroy the integrity and legitimacy of the states and undermine their capacity to protect their citizens and implement sustainable economic development programs. Economic and social instability has created fertile ground for criminal gangs and violent extremism to grow and caused millions of people to flee their homes.

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After discussing at length, the security situation in Africa the 1040th meeting of the Peace and Security Council of the AU held on 22 October 2021, issued the following communique on violent extremism: 
 

1. Expresses deep concern over the worsening scourge of terrorism and violent extremism in Africa, including the influx of foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as well as the growing linkages between terrorism, violent extremism and transnational organized crime, and the attendant social, economic and humanitarian impact;
    

2. Strongly condemns all acts of terrorism and violent extremism in the Continent, particularly the indiscriminant killing of innocent people, wanton destruction of infrastructure and property, including the symbols of the State, abductions and kidnapping for ransom, economic sabotage, killing of peacekeepers, recruitment and use of rape and sexual abuse against women and children; expresses condolences to the affected Member States for the lives lost and pays tribute to the soldiers who sacrificed their lives due to terrorist attacks and, in this context,
    

3. Strongly warns the perpetrators that they shall be brought to account for their heinous act.
   
   The major groups operating in Africa are the following: 
   The Ansar al-Sunna Wa Jamma insurgency in Mozambique; The Islamic State in Sinai (Ansar Beit al-Maqdis); Islamic State in Egypt (IS-Misr); IS in Algeria (ISAP); Islamic State in Libya; Boko Haram in Nigeria; Boko Haram in Cameroon; National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) in Mali; Islamic State in Somalia; al-Shabab; IS in Tunisia; Islamic State in Central Africa Province (ISCAP); Democratic Republic of Congo and Tanzania; Islamic State in Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda.
   
   But the reaction of governments to real or perceived threats (i.e., terrorism) can also undermine the security of its citizens in the form of human rights abuse and denial of constitutional rights. This fine line between the rule of law and authoritarian rule in the name of protecting the citizens has become the subject of great concern and debate in contemporary Africa. Contemporary security concern includes the repeated attempts of leaders to overstay in power by changing the constitution violating democratic norms and creating anger among the population wracked by poverty and corruption that the same leaders have been unable to abate or are part of. This has created a cycle of violence and instability opening the gates wide open for others who take such situations as opportunities to implement their political and criminal agendas.
    

4. Addressing the “democratic deficit”. The (growing) imbalance between levels of human development and economic growth and political and social inclusion remains a key threat to stability. In settings where democracy has not been entrenched, there is a lack of transparency and trust in the process, or where the government has been actively factional in benefiting one ethnic group above others, election-related violence often occurs.”
   
   Increasing numbers of African leaders have evaded constitutional term limit restrictions. If  African countries are to use elections to consolidate and entrench democracy, “they must make certain that incumbent leaders are not able to (i) change national constitutions to eliminate term and age limits for presidents (as noted above) and other protections that guard the president against various forms of opportunism  (ii) mandate registration fees for candidates seeking to stand for political office, including the presidency, that are beyond the reach of many citizens; (iii) interfere with freedom of the press in ways that make it very difficult for the press to check on the government, provide citizens information about elections, and serve as a platform for the opposition to bring their message to voters; and (iv) use security forces to intimidate and strangle the opposition. These constitutional coups weaken the role of elections as a democratizing tool. Worse, in some countries, this circumvention of term limit have  contributed significantly to the rise of violent and destructive mobilization by marginalized ethnocultural groups.” 7
    

5. Regionalism that delivers on regional solutions. After years of talking about it, African regional organisations are finally starting to provide solutions to African problems. These institutions must further improve their ability to positively influence national politics, monitor internal behaviours of member states and prevent human rights violations.
   
   
   African Union (AU)
   
   The AU was established in 2002 to replace the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) founded in 1963.
   
   “The AU has emerged as a key peace and security actor in Africa and is an indispensable partner in global peace and security governance. It enjoys considerable political legitimacy among African states, has a permissive peacekeeping doctrine, and has developed technical and bureaucratic mechanisms for conflict prevention and management through APSA. This has allowed the AU to take on roles that were previously within the sole remit of the UN. The AU recognises its comparative advantages over the UN and increasingly seeks to be the primary decision-making body on Africa. However, the UN maintains legal legitimacy over the AU, especially when it comes to authorising the use of force, and has considerably greater financial resources than the AU. In as much as the two organisations complement each other, and work towards better cooperation and effective peace and security partnership, they also compete with each other for primacy and power. The latter is particularly pronounced with regards to the hierarchy between the UNSC and the PSC, the representation of Africa at the UNSC, as well as financing of African PSOs authorised by the UN. These add a political layer to the AU-UN peace and security partnership which already experiences coordination, capacity and bureaucratic setback” 8
   
   African Governments have made a landmark decision to solve African Security Problems by Africans themselves. It was a high moment for Africa. To this end the AU member states established the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) as a shift from non-interfering in the internal affairs of member states to a more robust approach that sanctions direct intervention to create some sense of stability.  It was a clear departure from the long held polices of OAU/AU of nonintervention in the framework of the magnificent motto of finding: African Solutions to African Problems. But to be able to implement such an agenda Africa needed enormous resources which it does not have.  Indeed,  Africa suffers from a serious financial dependence, which leads to a complex relationship with its external partners, regional and global institutions,  which have great interest in Africa particularly  in the strategic locations of some countries ( i.e. Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, the Gulf of Guinea ) and the extractive industry ( i.e. DRC, CAR and Mali).
   
   ​“For example, African Peace Support Operations have been traditionally funded through the African Peace Facility, which was established by the European Union (EU) at the request of the AU. AU–EU relations reflect how complex it is for the former to achieve its ambitions without strong autonomy. Even if both organisations attempt to break free from the traditional donor-recipient model and promote genuine partnership, the issue of funding would undoubtedly generate inequalities between the two institutions. Certainly, the financial relations of the AU with its external partners call into question the reality of the very idea of African ownership put forward during the creation of the APSA. At the AU Summit in July 2016, the rule of 0.2% levy on all acceptable imported goods on the continent was agreed upon, so that the AU could finance 100% of its operational budget from 2017 onwards.”
   
   ​Unfortunately, this objective remains a theoretical ambition. This inability of African governments to provide the necessary financial support stands out as the main weakness of the APSA.  Otherwise APSA is the only way that peace and security can be sustained across Africa. The  AU has to  be able to translate this vision into concrete policies and feasible projects backed up by commitments and time lines and sanctioning those governments who fail to abide by their commitments. Agenda 2063 (The Africa We Want) notably identifies the main goals to be achieved:​ 9
   
   AGENDA 2063 is Africa’s blueprint and master plan for transforming Africa into the global powerhouse of the future. It is the continent’s strategic framework that aims to deliver on its goal for inclusive and sustainable development and is a concrete manifestation of the pan-African drive for unity, self-determination, freedom, progress and collective prosperity pursued under Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance”It has highlighted peace and security as the most necessary element in achieving the vision of a united prosperous and united Africa. These will be a hollow promise without commitment, without resources and leadership with vision abiding by the principles of proper governance.
   
   ​The regional organization working in tandem with AU are: IGAD; East African Community (EAC) ; Southern African Development Community (SADC) ; Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) ; Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
   
   ​While the four above have not directly been involved in the direct maintenance of peace and security in their respective regions, ECOWAS has directly intervened in the crisis in Mali, Liberia, and Guinea-Bissau with some success.  ECOWAS faces similar problems like the AU. AU does not have the capacity to provide resources to ECOWAS. Much of the support to ECWAS comes from EU, particularly from countries who have a vested interest in the region (i.e., France). Despite this, little progress has been made in the urgently required internal capacity building process to improve the institutional implementation of ECOWAS. The EU and ECOWAS are negotiating an Economic Partnership Agreement on the basis of the Cotonou Agreement of the year 2000.​
   
   The surprising insurgency in Mozambique could not be handled by the AU or regional organizations. Rwanda and some SADC forces have come to the help of the Mozambican government in its fight with a radical insurgency movement inspired or supported by ISS with the capacity to spread across transnational borders to Tanzania and other neighboring countries. 
    

6. Youth, as a stabilizing or destabilizing factor. Africa is a young continent, with the median age at just 19 years. The protruding youth population could become an important economic boost to the region. Alternatively, it could further increase the risk of instability and violence if young people are deprived of a quality education, stable employment and a political voice”.
   
   ​Over 60% of Africa’s population is under 25 years of age. Youth poverty is higher than in any other region. It has become chronic and is rising.  As young people are driven to desperation, many are resorting to crime or become involved with organized crime.   It is generally believed by many close observers that Africa’s vulnerability to violent extremism is deepening. Half of the continent’s population lives below the poverty line, and many of its young people are chronically underemployed, making them vulnerable to recruitment. One attractive sector is joining extremist organizations.  Members of violent extremist groups are disproportionally young men, and they are geographically dispersed.
   
   Recruitment efforts by extremist groups are focused mainly on youth. They make it easy to join. One does not have to belong to a particular country or ethnic group or belong to a certain religion or region to become a member. Extremist groups are motivated either by money or religious beliefs. In order to sustain themselves, financing often comes through illicit drug trafficking, arms trafficking human trafficking, bank robberies, kidnappings (ransom), and maritime hijacking. The difference between organized crime and violent extremism is at times difficult to discern.
   
   In their 2017 study based on interviews with hundreds of voluntary recruits to Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) found that the journey to violent extremism is one marked by exclusion and marginalization, lack of opportunities, and grievances with the state. About 71% of those interviewed cited government action — the murder or arrest of a family member or friend — as the tipping point for joining a violent extremist group, indicating the limits of militarized counter-terrorism responses by governments.
    
7. Technology as a game-changer. Technological changes are raising the security stakes and enabling self-organization of individuals for both negative (terrorism/extremism) and positive (social change/transparency). However, protecting millions of newly connected Africans from cyber security threats is a major concern, as is the usefulness of the internet as a recruitment tool for extremist groups operating in the region.”
   
   “In recent years, there has been an alarming increase in destructive technologies using a variety of techniques. For example, deep-fake technologies employing deep learning creates synthetic media, including videos and voices. Other techniques use Generative Adversarial Network to manipulate images, videos, and sounds and then superimpose them onto source files so that the latter is altered in a very subtle manner.” 10
   
   As in other parts of the world, social media plays an important role in the election dynamics in Africa. They raise the level of anxiety and fear among civilians and have succeeded in decreasing the level of trust between the population and the authorities. Other cases show the major role of disinformation or misinformation in situations involving killing and community conflict.
   
   Such technologies have also been used to propagate extremist ideologies, violence and hate as seen in countries like Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, and Nigeria. As the number of followers of such programs increase and people share and discuss these extremists’ views; “the more ideas and news become deeply anchored in people’s mind.” ibid Many articles and images are edited resulting in fakes for those who consume without checking the sources and truthfulness. People irresponsibly share these fakes with friends and the more they circulate the more likely that they are accepted as the truth.